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The Ultimate Assault: Charting #Syria’s Use of Rape to Terrorize Its People

We’re tracking reports of sexualized violence in Syria, where the attacks appear to be potentially orchestrated by government security forces.

Syrian army soldiers kidnapped, raped, and killed some of 16-year-old Zaynab’s classmates. When they came looking for her father, her family fled their home in Homs for Lebanon, where they live as refugees. (Matilde Gattoni).


A woman swathed in black squares her shoulders and calmly looks into a camera. She holds a Quran. Only a sliver of her face — her eyeglasses — shows. “What happened to me hasn’t happened to anyone, or if it has affected anyone else I do not know,” she says. “But I will speak and let all the people know what [Syrian leader] Bashar al-Assad and his men are doing.” Over the next four minutes, her breathing grows labored and her voice breaks as she describes how, in May 2011, five men wearing black entered her home on the outskirts of Homs and raped her.

“This is my message to the world,” she says. “Let all the world hear what is happening to us. And I might not be the first one nor the last who was treated in this way.”

The still-unidentified woman posted the video to YouTube on February 11, 2012. It is one of the earliest reports on our live, crowd-sourced map of sexualized violence in Syria. The Women’s Media Center project Women Under Siege has been collecting reports out of Syria for three months, during which time we’ve seen many stories similar to this, in which multiple attackers, usually government forces, are said to gang rape a woman in her home. We have also mapped stories at the extreme edge of nightmares; of teenage girls given shots that immobilize them while their genitals were burned or filled with mice. Government forces and others appear to be carrying out appalling sexualized attacks against women, men, and children in Syria as the conflict there continues. Although we are unable to independently confirm these stories — Syria is simply too dangerous, and our research staff too small — they are consistent both internally and within the news and NGO reports telling similar stories from the Syrian conflict.

To step back from the red dots on our map and try to understand the sexualized violence of Syria’s war, our team of doctors, activists, and journalists has taken the 81 stories we’ve gathered so far, from the onset of the conflict in March 2011 through June 2012, and broken them down into 117 separate pieces of data on everything from rape to the consequences of sexualized violence, such as depression, HIV, and pregnancy. Many more victims are included in these reports, but the vagueness of much of the information does not allow us to give an estimate of the total number. For example, one report tells of an incident in which the Syrian army allegedly raped 36 women while another speaks of a doctor who is treating some of the “2,000 girls and women raped throughout Syria.” Our data, though largely anecdotal, gives us a sense of the scope and impact of sexualized violence in Syria. It appears to be widespread, not limited to any particular city, and often involves rape.

“The data we have so far suggest sexualized violence is being used as a tool of war, although possibly haphazardly and not necessarily as an organized strategy,” said Dr. Karestan Koenen, associate professor of epidemiology at the Mailman School of Public Health at Columbia University and the lead epidemiologist on the mapping project. “These reports indicate that post-conflict intervention will need to address the consequences of sexualized violence for victims.”

Government perpetrators have committed the majority of the attacks we’ve been able to track: 61 percent, including attacks against men and women, with another 6 percent carried out by government and shabiha forces together. These soldiers or officers have allegedly carried out 58 percent of rapes against women; shabiha (plainclothes militia) attackers 14 percent; government and shabiha working together 5 percent; and another or unknown attacker 26 percent. In 42 percent of the incidents of sexualized violence against women that we found, the victims were allegedly attacked by multiple people at once, suggesting a disturbingly high rate of gang rape.

There are well-documented challenges and limitations when it comes to studying sexualized violence in conflict, and our data is not meant to represent the Syrian conflict in its entirety. All of our reports come second- or third-hand, and can’t be independently confirmed. Still, the data provides a small but criticalwindow into Syria’s ongoing violence. 

“These new data drawn from reports of sexualized violence crimes in the Syria conflict give us an important initial snapshot of the scale and scope of this horror,” said Susannah Sirkin, deputy director of Physicians for Human Rights, which conducts research and advocacy related to rape in armed conflict. 

syria perp slide final (forweb).jpgWomen Under Siege

“The fact that a large portion of the alleged crimes involved multiple attackers indicates possible coordinated, orchestrated, or systematic violence without restraints on the behavior of government and other forces,” Sirkin said. In other words, either Syrian leaders appear to be instructing soldiers to violate women, or the Syrian armed forces have descended into such a Lord of the Flies-style chaos that rape is becoming more routine.

Of the 117 reports, 80 percent of them include female victims, with ages ranging from 7 to 46. Of those, 89 percent reported rape; 6 percent reported groping; 6 percent include sexual assault without penetration; and 11 percent of reports include detention that appears to have been for the purposes of sexualized violence or enslavement for a period of longer than 24 hours. It’s difficult to know intent, but some soldiers have described being ordered to detain women to rape them. We’re keeping an eye out for similarities to Bosnia’s infamous “rape houses,” such as this one in Foča.

Syrian women are suffering more than just sexualized violence itself, with 20 percent of reports leading to the victim’s death, 10 percent to anxiety and/or depression, and 5 percent to pregnancy. “Death” means that women were found dead with signs of sexual assault or they were raped and then killed in front of witnesses, as in this report in which a mother describes watching her three daughters stripped, raped, and murdered by knife-wielding security forces. “You could only hear the screams and the cries of the little ones asking for help, but this did not make them show any mercy,” she recalled.

So far, we’ve found 24 incidents involving men and boys between the ages of 11 and 56 who have also reported sexualized violence as a consequence of the Syrian conflict. Thirty-three percent of reports with male victims allege rape and 38 percent include sexual assault without penetration. Almost 17 percent include multiple attackers. In all but one case, the perpetrators of sexual violence against men were reportedly members of government forces. This is likely due to the fact that most — 75 percent — of the reported sexual torture has occurred in detention facilities, staffed and run by the government, where rape and sexual assault appear to be used as a tool of torture. The other 25 percent of reports do not specify the exact location, in many cases because the attack was in the victim’s home — in a number of these, the male victim is forced to watch as his wife or daughter is raped.

“The fact that about a fifth of the reports involve male victims also points to unbridled terror, given the enormous stigma and silence that typically surrounds mass rape of men,” said Sirkin.

The one city that has produced the most reports is Homs, the long-suffering center of protest, with 37 percent of incidents. Surprisingly, the second-most frequent source of the reports is Damascus, the supposedly quiet capital city, with 12 percent of reports.

Our numbers tell us that there is a potentially tremendous human rights crisis unfolding for women, men, and children in Syria. Behind each number though, is a life — a family, or even a whole community — now potentially destroyed by rape and sexualized torture.

Jackie Blachman-Forshay contributed research.

Source: The Atlantic

    • #Bashar al Assad
    • #Quran
    • #Women Under Siege
    • #Women's Media Center
    • #Rape
    • #HIV
    • #Pregnancy
    • #Depression
    • #Violence
    • #Shabiha
    • #Gang rape
    • #Homs
    • #Torture
  • 11 months ago
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Freed Turkish journalists feared they would die in #Syria

Two Turkish journalists freed after two months’ captivity in Syria told on Sunday how they were held in a tiny, underground cell by gunmen loyal to President Bashar al-Assad with guns pointed at their heads, fearing they would be killed.    

Reporter Adem Özkose and cameraman Hamit Coskun thanked Iran and Turkish officials for securing their release.     

Özköse, a reporter with Milat, a small Islamic-leaning newspaper, said neither were tortured, but: “Being in a tiny cell for days on your own, a gun being pointed at your head is torture anyway. For the first 10-11 days after being kidnapped we feared death constantly.”     

The pair arrived in İstanbul on Sunday, having been taken to Tehran after their release on Saturday. Iranian officials had helped persuade their captors to let them go, demonstrating Tehran’s influence with its ally Syria.      

Assad lost Turkey’s friendship when he ignored Ankara’s calls to halt a crackdown on pro-democracy protests that began 14 months ago. Iran and Syria, both isolated by the West, have stuck by each other.      

“We had difficult days, for example when I was taken to solitary confinement I didn’t know if Adem was alive. I didn’t eat for six days, then I heard Adem reading the Koran in a loud voice and I started eating then,” Coşkun told a news conference.     

The pair were captured days after crossing the border into the northwest Syrian province of Idlib to report as Assad’s forces launched an offensive in the region.     

“Assad supporters blocked roads and kidnapped people, we were stuck in a group of 60-70 shabbiha soldiers,” Özköse said, referring to the pro-Assad militia.     

“They blindfolded and handcuffed us … and took us to a place underground. The dimensions of the cell we stayed in was  1 metre by 2 metres. We slept on the floor, they had given us blankets,” Özköse said.     

Özköse said he drew strength from reading Quran and recounted how, shortly after he had read the final page, Bülent Yıldırım, chairman of the İHH, a Turkish Islamic relief agency, appeared to help negotiate their release.     

“I finished reading it and 15 minutes after I had finished the last page, Bülent Yıldırım arrived, an interesting coincidence for me,” Özköse said. “The Quran verses surrounded me with something like a protective shield.”     

Source: todayszaman.com

    • #Syria
    • #Journalists
    • #Turkey
    • #Captives
    • #Quran
    • #Release
    • #Iran
  • 1 year ago
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Trapped in Douma, #Syria: I saw the faith that keeps Syrian protesters going

DOUMA, SYRIA

It is 6 a.m. in Douma, one of the suburbs of Damascus. The muezzin, who calls the faithful to prayer five times a day, is reciting the Quran and prayers from the grand mosque’s minarets through loudspeakers that the whole city can hear. I know Douma’s citizens are listening. 

Read full article here 

 

Source: csmonitor.com

    • #Syria
    • #Douma
    • #Faith
    • #Protests
    • #Trapped
    • #FSA
    • #Islam
    • #Activists
    • #Quran
    • #Hadith
  • 1 year ago
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Op-Ed Contributor: In #Syria, Expelling the Peacemakers

By STEPHANIE SALDAÑA
Published: December 8, 2011

Jerusalem

SEVEN years ago, I stood in the chapel of a monastery in the Syrian desert and stared up at a wall of frescoes from the 13th century.

Nearby, a burly man in a gray habit was explaining the paintings to a family visiting from a neighboring village. “That’s Mariam, may peace be upon her,” he said, pointing up. He moved his hand toward the bearded portrait of a man. “And that’s Ibrahim al-Khalil, may peace be upon him.”

Though it may seem like a mundane story, it was anything but ordinary. The visitors, who had climbed a flight of some 350 stairs to arrive there, were Muslims. The man describing the frescoes to them was Father Paolo Dall’Oglio, an Italian Jesuit priest who was speaking to them in the local Arabic dialect.

The frescoes he was pointing to were Christian, but he was identifying the figures using their Arabic names from the Koran. It was a remarkable moment, and the message it contained was simple: Despite their differences, Muslims and Christians believe in the same God.

Last week, the Syrian government issued an order that after 30 years in the country, Father Dall’Oglio would be expelled.

Father Dall’Oglio founded the community of Deir Mar Musa in 1982, at the height of the Lebanese Civil War. He had hiked out into the desert in search of a ruined Byzantine monastery. After spending 10 days praying in the rubble, he was inspired to rebuild the monastery and to found a community of monks and nuns dedicated to prayer, silence and hospitality. The Syrian monastery, situated between Iraq, Lebanon, Israel and the West Bank, would symbolize peace. The community would welcome each Muslim visitor as a sacred guest, just as Abraham, in both the Bible and the Koran, had welcomed the angels of God.

I visited the monastery often in 2004 and 2005 and saw Father Dall’Oglio and his community welcome hundreds of Muslim visitors to the monastery. These Muslims shared communal meals with the local Christians and said their prayers on the monastery grounds. They brought their children and their grandchildren. Father Dall’Oglio fasted during the Muslim holiday of Ramadan and visited Muslim leaders. When I asked him about his relationship with Islam, he spoke of it as one might speak of marriage: “When you love someone, you appreciate his way of sitting, eating, drinking, you hope his hopes, you excuse his difficulties, you recognize his gifts.”

From the beginning of the current uprising in Syria, Father Dall’Oglio has resisted taking sides, instead arguing for a nonviolent solution to the conflict.

Yet in an interview with the Catholic newspaper La Croix in early October, he admitted that a large part of the Syrian population could no longer tolerate living under a totalitarian dictatorship.

In his annual Christmas message, he said, “In this crisis, we see it as our role to engage in dialogue, mediate, build bridges and work towards reconciliation.” He added, “Fear has oppressed us too long.” For the Assad regime, that was unacceptable.

Ordering Father Dall’Oglio’s expulsion was a brazen move for a government that has prided itself on its protection of minorities. One can think only that the Syrian government was confident that the majority of the Christians would remain aligned with the regime. Christians make up some 10 percent of the Syrian population, and many fear that a change of power would leave them vulnerable to Islamic extremism.

The devastating fate of the Christians in Iraq has already served as a warning. Father Dall’Oglio’s expulsion, if it is carried out as planned, will send a clear message to all of them — that the regime’s support of Christians is not unconditional. Those who dare mention the oppression of the Assad regime or who advocate for a dialogue to change the country will be deemed members of the opposition.

This puts local Christians in a bind. To seek change may put their community at risk. Yet to remain silent in the face of injustice will surely reduce Christianity to an identity, a sect, and not a living faith seeking to follow the message of the gospels. It will also strain a relationship between Muslims and Christians in Syria that has existed for over a thousand years.

Religious leaders of all faiths must decry Father Dall’Oglio’s expulsion. Christian leaders elsewhere must let Syrian Christians know that the world is not blind to their fate. Most of all, as the situation in Syria spirals toward civil war, we must not allow the government to silence those who seek a nonviolent solution.

Nonviolent resistance is a theater made possible by spectators who give meaning to the sacrifices made, who form a collective conscience that in time can challenge the will of those who oppress. In the absence of a free media, in a country now largely off limits to foreign journalists, anyone in Syria who dares to stand up and risk his life must wonder if anyone is watching.

We must find ways to watch.

Stephanie Saldaña is the author of “The Bread of Angels: A Journey to Love and Faith.”

Source: The New York Times

    • #Monastery
    • #Muslims
    • #Christians
    • #Quran
    • #Father Dall’Oglio
    • #Israel
    • #Lebanon
    • #West Bank
    • #Byzantine
    • #Iraq
    • #Ramadan
    • #Catholic
    • #Bashar al Assad
  • 1 year ago
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