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Starved for Arms, Syria Rebels Make Their Own

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A welder attached tail fins to makeshift mortar rounds at an arms-making shop in Idlib province. Photo: Tyler Hicks/NY Times

Saraqeb, Syria, June 12, 2013 by C.J. Chivers

The workers arrive by darkness, taking their stations at the vise and the lathe. Soon metal filings and sparks fly, and the stack of their creations grows at their feet: makeshift mortar shells to be fired through barrels salvaged from disabled Syrian Army tanks.

Across northern Syria, rebel workshops like these are part of a clandestine network of primitive arms-making plants, a signature element of a militarily lopsided war.

Their products — machine-gun mounts, hand grenades, rockets, mortar shells, roadside bombs and the locally brewed explosives that are packed inside — help form the arsenal of a guerrilla force that has suffered serious setbacks this year in its effort to overthrow President Bashar al-Assad.

“Everybody knows we do not have the weapons we need to defend ourselves,” said Abu Trad, a commander of the Saraqib Rebels Front, shortly before he allowed visitors into this mortar-round plant. “But we have the will, and we have humble means, and we have tools.”

The value of workshop-grade weapons, while once crucial to the rebels’ success in claiming territory in northern Syria, may have substantially declined.

Last spring, when Mr. Assad was struggling to confront the armed opposition that his crackdown had fueled, shops like these forced Syria’s military to change tactics. The roads became so laced with their output of hidden bombs that the army stopped roaming where the rebels were strongest, and pulled back to defensive positions. The shops were a marker of the rebels’ budding organization and lethal skill.

But the government has spent a year refitting its troops, Hezbollah has sent in reinforcements, and Iran and Russia have kept Mr. Assad’s forces resupplied.

These days the government’s forces are less likely to venture out on patrols or expose themselves in small checkpoints, reducing their vulnerability to the rebels’ makeshift bombs. And most of the shops’ other weapons systems lack the accuracy, range or explosive punch to drive the army from the positions where it is entrenched and from where soldiers can fire back with barrages of more powerful and precise weapons.

Moreover, some of the locally made weapons are prone to malfunction, which can kill those who use them.

And yet the arms plants remain a prominent feature of the opposition’s logistics, as arms flows from the Arab world fail to keep up with demand. Though the European Union lifted its embargo on arms transfers to the opposition last month, many rebels said they see the decision as a diplomatic tactic intended to pressure the Syrian government, and unlikely to lead to shipments from Western governments soon.

“They promise things all the time,” said Maj. Mohammad Ali, who commands the fighters in northern Syria for the Grandsons of the Prophet, a large rebel formation. “We are now in the third year, and so far we have had so many decisions from the West and nothing was acted on.”

Abu Trad and other rebels said the workshops have been as essential as the fighters on the front lines, and the laborers are part of a revolution’s foundation. “The mother who cooks for the fighters is a revolutionary, the medic who helps the wounded is a revolutionary, and the man who makes the mortar and the shell is a revolutionary, too,” he said.

On several trips into Syria, journalists for The New York Times visited four active arms workshops in Idlib and Aleppo Provinces, interviewed other bomb- or weapons-makers who agreed to discuss their work but not to allow access to their plants, and examined other workshops’ products on rebel bases and front lines.

The plant in Saraqib is one part of a larger and more complicated supply chain. On this night, it had received a batch of freshly cast shell bodies from a rebel foundry elsewhere. (Its workers declined to discuss its location, beyond saying that it was “underground.”)

One man tightened the shells in a vise before sweeping over them with a grinder to remove surface imperfection. Each round was then passed to a welder who affixed precut fins, designed to stabilize the rounds in flight.

The shells were then worked on by a machinist at a lathe, who shaped the nose so that a locally made fuze might be inserted. The workers said the rounds would be moved to yet another shop to be packed with explosive fill.

Finally, the rounds would be provided to front-line units equipped with sections of the 125-millimeter main guns from former government T-72 tanks. The barrels had been cut and converted to makeshift mortar systems, the fighters said.

Abu Trad said that these weapons had been effective in attacking Syrian Army checkpoints, and that the power of a 125-millimeter shell had frightened government soldiers.

But shells made in these ways carry many risks, including the danger that as a round accelerates after being fired, its crude fuze will be driven backward, causing the round to detonate in the tube.

This might have been what killed Azzam Alzier, the owner of an Internet cafe, one of the men in Saraqib first to take up arms. He had volunteered for mortar duty, his friends said, and was killed when a locally made round exploded as he fired it.

Another risk is that each round, because of inconsistencies inherent to workshop production, will fly a different height and distance, making the weapon dangerous to other rebels and potentially indiscriminate when fired in areas where soldiers are near civilians or civilian infrastructure.

Several workers in the shops noted that the dangers lie not just in using such weapons, but in manufacturing them.

At another plant, in the Aleppo countryside, Abu Walid, a young electrical engineer who said he and his colleagues principally make RDX, a plastic explosive for which manufacturing instructions are available online, said that he knew of roughly 10 people who had been killed in accidents while working with explosives for grenades and bombs.

And at a third plant, several workers described the perils that accompany one of their methods of obtaining explosives. One man displayed a plastic bag of foamlike chips of a TNT mix removed from old Soviet aircraft bombs that had been dropped from Syrian Air Force jets but failed to explode. “What Bashar sends to us, we reuse,” he said.

“It takes only 10 minutes to open a bomb,” another worker said. “We disassemble the front fuze; we cut the bomb using the lathe.”

Then the workers extract its contents to be repacked into rocket warheads. “We first find the explosive material as solid as a stone, then we grind it and it will break into pieces, and then we grind it again into powder,” he said.

Given the amount of explosive in an aircraft bomb — sometimes more than 200 pounds, compared with roughly two ounces in a hand grenade — there is no chance of surviving a mistake. “It is not only about losing a limb,” he said. “You and where you are will vanish.”

Rockets from this shop go by the name Rakan 1, and are sections of pipe that together form a weapon about four feet long. The longest section is a fuel cell containing a mix of potassium nitrate and sugar. To one end is threaded a nozzle through which the burning propellant vents, driving the rocket into flight after the weapon is launched with an electric charge.

To the other is threaded a warhead containing a high-explosive fill, which in turn is fitted with an aluminum fuze well and a simple striker assembly designed to initiate the explosion when the warhead’s nose strikes the ground.

The shop produces two of its rockets each day, the workers said. Abu Fawzi, 23, a furniture maker by trade who helped design Rakan 1, said that it was the result of trial and error, and that the Internet, hailed by security analysts as a virtual academy for waging war, was of little value.

“The first six or seven months we kept trying and held experiments, tests,” he said. “At first we searched the Internet, and we failed. We didn’t find anything useful. After that we relied on ourselves and bit by bit, with God’s help, we learned how.”

Rebels disagree about the value of homemade projectiles. Some welcome them. Others noted that rockets and mortars often fail to fire, or fly unpredictable paths.

And the weapons, they said, are almost no match for the incoming fire the rebels face.

On a front in the arid farmland north of Hama, Khaled Muhammed Addibis, a rebel commander, pointed to a stack of rockets his fighters had tried to fire the previous day. They had failed to launch. Others had veered far off-target in flight. And none had reached their expected range.

“All we need is effective weapons,” he said. “Effective weapons. Nothing else.”

Source: The New York Times

    • #Syria
    • #Saraqeb
    • #Weapons
    • #Factory
    • #Salvage
    • #Workshops
    • #FSA
    • #Shells
    • #Mortars
    • #Malfunction
  • 4 days ago
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25 Jan 2013 #Syria : Saraqeb protests against Nusra Front aggression in their town today: “Down with the dictators in all their colors!” 
courtesy @DarthNader
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25 Jan 2013 #Syria : Saraqeb protests against Nusra Front aggression in their town today: “Down with the dictators in all their colors!” 

courtesy @DarthNader

    • #saraqeb
    • #syria
    • #Nusra
    • #protest
    • #poster
  • 4 months ago
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6 Nov 2012 #Syria : Saraqeb, air-strikes bring death, destruction and panic to the population

Number of martyrs is 8 so far, the number is expected to rise.

Scenes of panic and destruction after air-strike :

Scenes of panic and destruction during air-strike :

Multiple air-strikes :

Search for survivors after air-strikes :

Chaos in the field hospital trying to cope with the wounded, look at the child what did he do ? Is he not a civilian ? :

    • #Idlib
    • #syria
    • #saraqeb
    • #air-strike
    • #panic
    • #destruction
    • #injured
  • 7 months ago
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2 Nov 2012 #Syria : Rebels Seize Key Northwestern Crossroads in Syria

W460

Syrian rebels have taken full control of a strategic crossroads in the northwest that further limits the government’s ability to reinforce its troops in the second city Aleppo, a watchdog said Friday.

Rebel fighters forced troops to pull back from their last position in the Saraqeb area where the main highways to Aleppo from Damascus and from the Mediterranean coast meet, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said.

The rebels now control an area extending 25 kilometers (15 miles) in all directions from the town, the Britain-based watchdog said.

“The army has withdrawn from its last checkpoint in the Saraqeb area,” Observatory director Rami Abdel Rahman told Agence France Presse.

On Thursday, the army had already lost control of all but three checkpoints in the area.

The rebels killed at least 28 soldiers during its offensive in the area, the Observatory said. Video footage that appeared to show some soldiers being summarily executed drew condemnation from international human rights groups.

The rebels had already seized the town of Maaret al-Numan, further south on the Damascus-Aleppo highway, on October 8, in a first blow to the government’s ability to resupply its troops in the northern metropolis where fierce fighting has raged since July 20.

Army shelling of rebel-held neighborhoods of Aleppo killed a young girl early on Friday, the Observatory said.

The watchdog, which bases its reports on a network of activists, lawyers and medics at military and civilian hospitals inside Syria, says more than 36,000 people have been killed since the uprising against President Bashar Assad’s rule broke out in March last year.

SourceAgence France Presse

Source: naharnet.com

    • #syria
    • #saraqeb
    • #checkpoint
    • #FSA
    • #supplyroute
    • #assad
    • #aleppo
  • 7 months ago
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1 Nov 12 Graphic: FSA group, currenly unidentified, executes prisoners after capture of a checkpoint at Hamisho, #Saraqeb

Syrian freedom fully supports the revolution and the FSA, however we condemn this behaviour and expect the FSA to uphold international standards, as they have previously claimed to do. As some observers have noted, if we had not been told we would have assumed that the group killing were the regime.

Source: youtube.com

    • #syria
    • #execution
    • #Saraqeb
    • #Idlib
    • #FSA
  • 7 months ago
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1 Nov 2012 Syria rebels ‘take key Damascus-Aleppo checkpoints’

A rebel fighter walks near a building damaged after an air strike on Maarat al-Numan, 31 October 2012Maarat al-Numan has been a focus of fighting as it straddles the motorway between Damascus and Aleppo

Rebel attacks on army checkpoints on the main road between Syria’s biggest cities, Damascus and Aleppo, have left 28 government troops dead, reports say.

Five opposition fighters were also killed in the attacks, said the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a UK-based activist group.

They came as regime helicopters and jets carried out air strikes in eastern suburbs of the capital and elsewhere.

These often drop barrels of TNT, which are inaccurate but cause huge damage.

Helicopter gunships strafed an area of Damascus while warplanes were in action over the capital’s suburbs and in north-western Idlib province, said the SOHR.

In the past few weeks, the military has stepped up the use of warplanes where ground forces have not been able to dislodge rebel fighters.

Exposed positions

The government soldiers were killed in attacks on three army checkpoints in Idlib, said the SOHR.

They said said rebel fighters had overrun at least one of the checkpoints, near Saraqeb south-west of Aleppo, killing a large number of troops and seizing quantities of arms and ammunition.

The checkpoints are of considerable strategic importance, says the BBC’s Jim Muir in neighbouring Lebanon, but the rebels are unlikely to try to hold them.

They are exposed positions, and government forces are sure to hit back with artillery and air strikes, adds our correspondent.

Opposition gains on the ground at Saraqeb, at nearby Maarat al-Numan and elsewhere are believed to be one of the main reasons for the sharp escalation in recent days of the regime’s use of its monopoly of air power.

Maarat al-Numan straddles the Damascus-Aleppo motorway and has been under bombardment by government forces since it fell to rebels on 10 October.

In Damascus, meanwhile, state-run media Sana reported that a bomb hidden in a rubbish bag had exploded near a Shia Muslim shrine, killing 11 people and wounding 39.

Sana also reported that a car bomb in another Damascus suburb, Moaddamiya, caused several casualties.

The SOHR says more than 36,000 people - among them 25,667 civilians, 9,044 security forces personnel and 1,296 rebel fighters - have been killed since protests against Mr Assad erupted in March 2011.

The SOHR is one of the most prominent organisations documenting and reporting incidents and casualties in the Syrian conflict. The group says its reports are impartial, though its information cannot be verified

Source: BBC

    • #MaaratAlNouman
    • #Idlib
    • #Aleppo
    • #Damascus
    • #FSA
    • #checkpoints
    • #saraqeb
  • 7 months ago
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Going Rogue: Bandits and Criminal Gangs Threaten #Syria’s Rebellion

In stretches of northern Syria where government control has collapsed and rebel militias call the shots, numerous criminal outfits have come to the fore — and threaten to undermine the rebellion

30/07/2012

KHALIL HAMRA / AP
Free Syrian Army soldiers stand guard at a checkpoint in the northern town of Ariha, on the outskirts of Idlib, Syria, Sunday, June 10, 2012


The checkpoint wasn’t a permanent or even makeshift structure—just a couple of armed men, some in civilian clothing, others wearing items of military apparel, standing in the middle of a main road just outside the town of Abu Ad-Duhur, some 50 kilometers south of Idlib city. Their faces were uncovered. It was 10am and there was traffic on the road when Abu Ibrahim, a well-to-do, dignified, 60-year-old engineer, duly stopped his Kia hatchback at the human barricade. “All I saw were guns pointing into the car, they told me to get out,” Abu Ibrahim says. “One of the men said ‘take his car, but don’t insult him.”

It wasn’t the first time Abu Ibrahim had been carjacked by people he says were posing as fighters in the Free Syrian Army, the motley rebel force taking on Syrian President Bashar Assad. Two weeks earlier, his family’s sedan was also stolen under similar circumstances. It would be returned to him, he was told, if he forked over 400,000 Syrian pounds ($6,225). He refused, and accepted the loss of his vehicle.

(MORE: As Syria Teeters, So Do Decades-Old Assumptions About the Middle East)

This time, however, he was not going to accept the same outcome. He told a local FSA leader in charge of some 30 men to try and get it back. “We suffer here from the fact that the thuwar [revolutionaries] have fallen between two fires — the regime and criminals who say they are thuwar,” Abu Ibrahim said.

Although there are still loyalist checkpoints along some of the main highways (which are easily avoided using backroads), the rebel flag flies in many of the towns and villages in this flat, fertile agricultural region, creating pockets that function as informal safe zones free of government troops. Still, although vast swathes of northern Syria may have fallen out of government control, they are not necessarily firmly in the FSA’s.

Criminal elements also function within these pockets; groups that kidnap people for ransom (releasing them dead or alive after payment of a ransom or purchase of weapons), and that carjack civilian vehicles. Sometimes, those criminal elements operate under the FSA’s banner, prompting other FSA units to try and neutralize them via one of two ways – firepower, or by leaning on local leaders with influence over certain families, tribes and areas. The FSA are trying to police their own ranks, while fighting the regime and competing for suppliers, supporters and resources with each other and with other armed groups like the Salafist Ahrar al-Sham brigades.

As TIME has previously reported, support to the FSA is, and always has been, parceled out to select units. The sources are many and varied — from recent state-sponsored Qatari and Saudi efforts, to hefty donations by members of the Syrian diaspora as well as sheikhs in the Gulf with massive fund-raising abilities. FSA units, even those fighting in the same area, often have very different sources of funding and weapons. Some of this support comes with strings attached: pledges of allegiance to the hand that doles it out.

(PHOTOS: Inside Syria’s Slow-Motion Civil War)

Some senior members of the FSA are also playing favorites — dishing out money and weapons to certain FSA units, while ignoring others. The group has long been a loose franchise organization, nominally headed by Colonel Riad al-As’aad and other senior defectors sequestered in a refugee camp in the the southern Turkish town of Apaydin in Hatay Province. (There are 10 FSA military bureaus — regional umbrella groups — inside the country.)

As’aad and General Mustafa al-Sheikh, one of the earliest generals to defect, have long been rivals, although they supposedly buried their differences by forming a joint military council in late March. Months of reporting and meeting with numerous FSA groups, mainly operating in northern Syria, has made it clear that the men are backing different groups inside Syria, and in so doing, are undermining ongoing efforts to unite the rebel army.

It’s just another of the many layers of friction between various elements of the FSA. There are real and serious rivalries between exiles and those inside Syria, sub-splits between those groups, deep schisms between the armed and political opposition, and among some armed groups in different areas. At the moment most of their guns are pointed in the same direction, but it’s easy to predict what may happen when their common enemy falls.

“Victory is made here, not in Turkey, thank you martyrs,” is sprayed on a wall in Saraqeb, although it could be almost anywhere in Syria. Abu Trad, 27, heads the Martyr Asaad Hilal Brigade in the town, one of four FSA units operating there. The former agricultural trader recoils at the thought of answering to the opposition in exile. “Where are they? In five-star hotels, drinking tea?” he says.

He claims his “differences” with both General Sheikh and Colonel As’aad mean he doesn’t get help from any faction within the FSA. “They are buying loyalties, and mine isn’t for sale” he said, seated behind a scuffed wooden desk in the office of a sweltering school that now serves as his unit’s headquarters. He keeps photos of the seven men his unit has lost under the glass top of the office desk. “We will not join the Muslim Brothers or the Salafis or anyone,” he said.

(MORE: Russia and Syria’s Assad: The End of the Affair?)

He and his 90 or so men rely on private donations from abroad (he wouldn’t say from where) to buy weapons, and have been “cooking up a few explosives,” he says. There’s an RPG missile in the glass cabinet, alongside double binder folders. An empty box of hand grenades is perched on the open window sill. “Some of us sold our wives’ jewelry to fund the fight,” Abu Trad says, as a single ceiling fan whirs overhead, while for some other FSA units, he says, getting weapons and money is “as easy as drinking a sip of water.” Several of his men, seated on chairs arranged in a semicircle around the walls of the room, nod in agreement. “We want arms. we don’t need bread, we will eat dirt, we just want to fight.”

“The Salafis have their own support, and it’s strong,” says Abu Trad, referring to the Ahrar al-Sham brigades comprised of adherents to a more orthodox form of Sunni Islam. “I don’t blame them, but we started before them, we spilled our blood, I think it’s a grave injustice to us that they have stronger support.”

“This is Gulf politics,” replied one of his men, referring to religious donors in the region’s oil-rich countries funding more conservative Sunni fighters in Syria.

Abu Zayd, the nom de guerre of a 25 year old Sharia graduate who heads one of the founding brigades of Ahrar al-Sham, can sympathize with local FSA leaders like Abu Trad, but says it’s not his problem.

“They (the FSA) get more support than we do, but our support is delivered to us, theirs doesn’t make it to them. That’s the truth,” he says.  “Their support stays in Turkey, it doesn’t make it to the revolutionaries here. If our supporters send us 100 lira, we get 100 lira. This is the reality.” He wouldn’t say who his supporters were, if they were state sponsors or individuals. “Whether it is official or unofficial doesn’t matter to me,” he said. “We have enough.”

It’s a statement many of the FSA units operating around these parts can only aspire to utter. Most blame the so-called commanders in exile for their situation, for not providing them with the weapons, ammunition and funds they need, leaving them to scrounge for supplies, and some units to resort to criminal means to secure them.

(MORE: TIME Exclusive: Meet the Islamist Militants Fighting Alongside Syria’s Rebels)

Recently, one unit operating in northern Syria kidnapped three Shi’ite Syrians from the pro-regime Shi’ite village of Fouaa, saying it would release them in exchange for two 14.5mm anti-aircraft guns. The Shi’ite villagers, however, had other ideas and promptly kidnapped 32 Sunnis from a handful of villages surrounding them, including from Taftanaz, Binnish and Saraqeb, threatening to kill the men if the Shi’ites weren’t released. It took two weeks of tense negotiations between several FSA units to defuse the situation, and safely release all of the hostages.

Some FSA units are snatching loyalist soldiers from military buses and demanding a ransom from their families for their return. The amount varies, and can be anywhere between 100,000 Syrian pounds ($1,550) to 200,000 SYP ($3,100) for a regular soldier, although the family of a lieutenant colonel reportedly recently paid one million SYP for his release.

On a recent afternoon in northern Syria, a group of FSA fighters and civilians debated the ethics of the kidnappings. “Some people have reasons for not defecting, they should not be punished for protecting their families,” one man said, referring to the fact that retribution by loyalist troops is sometimes exacted on a defector’s family or property.  “If they are going to their hometown on leave, they can defect,” countered an FSA member, “and we need the money.”  The consensus was that if a loyalist was picked up on leave, on his way home it was wrong, because he may be using his leave to defect. If he was heading back to his barracks, however, it was a different story, the men said. “It means he’s coming back to kill us,” said Abu Amjad, whose son Amjad heads a rebel FSA unit, “so he has to be stopped.”

The carjackings of civilian vehicles are another story. The perpetrators are often masked, unlike most FSA fighters who move around freely with their weapons in the towns and villages of northern Syria, even during the day. Yet the carjackers also often fly the rebel Syrian flag. On a recent afternoon, one small group of armed men, with scarves covering their faces, stood in the middle of a major road just outside the town of Taftanaz. One sat on a motorbike that had a small revolutionary flag fluttering from its rear bar.  “Circle back around,” Mohammad, a rebel fighter in the vehicle I was riding in said after we’d cleared the checkpoint.

“We don’t have enough weapons to take them on,” said Basil, another rebel fighter in the car.  “Then call the guys to round those thieves up,” Mohammad said. “We know who is here, who is operating here,” he later explained. “Those men are not realthuwar.”

A similar situation played out earlier this month, albeit on a much larger scale after the Bab al-Hawa border outpost between Turkey and Syria was overrun, and part of it snatched from Syrian government troops by rebel forces. Some of the lorries stationed at the crossing were looted and burned while others were stolen. The actions prompted some furious FSA members to hunt down the rebels responsible and demand they return the stolen vehicles or compensate their owners. Just days later, Celalettin Lekesiz, governor of the southern Turkish province of Hatay, told reporters that 19 of the 30 Turkish trucks stolen from Bab al-Hawa had been returned to their owners.

Abu Ibrahim’s stolen Kia hatchback was also retrieved, 10 days after it was stolen by thugs he says were posing as rebel fighters. It was back in his garage “by force of guns, not kind words,” he said. “There are some people, they are criminals, unemployed, they were before the revolution and they are taking opportunity of the situation,” Abu Ibrahim said. “There are clashes between them and the thuwar, the thuwar are returning cars to the people, helping us, but this is a revolution. They need to be focused on other things.”

Source: TIME

    • #Checkpoint
    • #Abu Ad-Duhur
    • #Idlib
    • #Criminals
    • #Gangs
    • #Free Syrian Army
    • #FSA
    • #Bashar al Assad
    • #Thuwar
    • #Qatar
    • #Saudi Arabia
    • #Apaydin
    • #Hatay
    • #Turkey
    • #RPG
    • #Ahrar al Sham
    • #Kidnapping
    • #Saraqeb
    • #Binnish
    • #Taftanaz
    • #Hostages
    • #Fouaa
    • #Defectors
  • 10 months ago
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06/15/12 #Syria Demonstration in Saraqeb, Idlib

Source: youtu.be

    • #Syria
    • #Saraqeb
    • #Idlib
    • #Protest
  • 1 year ago
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Syria’s strategy #Syria

10/04/12

Source: globalpost.com

    • #Syria
    • #Idlib
    • #Saraqeb
    • #Sarmin
    • #FSA
    • #Army
    • #Shabiha
  • 1 year ago
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#Syria eyewitness dispatch: ‘I watched as Assad’s tanks rolled in to destroy a rebel town’

By John Cantlie

6:00PM BST 31 Mar 2012

As President Bashar al-Assad discussed a ceasefire for Syria last week, his tanks continued to crush northern rebel strongholds. In this dispatch from the town of Saraqeb, John Cantlie describes an assault at first hand.

The sound of the caterpillar tracks could be felt as much as heard, a deep rumble that sent a rattle through windows and a tremble of fear through the guts.

Then we saw them. Huge Soviet-made T72s, accompanied by troop carriers driving slowly into town, extra plates welded onto the sides to deflect rocket-propelled grenades. It was just after 9.30am, and the tanks were coming to Saraqeb.

“Light the tyres!”

The rebels of the Free Syrian Army in Saraqeb, a farming town of 30,000 in northern Syria, are better organised than many in the surrounding Idlib province. Squaring themselves away into formation around the central marketplace, they poured petrol on to truck tyres and lit them sending plumes of thick black smoke into the air, obscuring the sun and - hopefully - the tank gunners’ visibility.

Still the tanks came, driving into town one after another. The troop carriers stopped to take up holding positions, while the T72s turned in pairs to face towards the centre.

I had been smuggled into Saraqeb last weekend by a local guerrilla unit, keen to show the world that despite playing along with international efforts to broker a ceasefire, President Bashar al-Assad was continuing to use all-out force to crush his opponents. While he agreed last week to a six-point peace plan brokered by the veteran diplomat, Kofi Annan, what I saw for myself suggests the Syrian leader intends anything but.

As Syrian army snipers deployed to Saraqeb’s high buildings to provide covering fire, the rebel fighters around me took up positions on street corners and pavements.

Their pick-up trucks screeched to a halt, bringing reinforcements, rocket-propelled grenades and improvised bombs built from gas bottles and steel pipes which are placed against kerbs and disguised with cardboard. Then came the click-clack of 200 Kalashnikovs being loaded, a few unaimed rounds loosed off in anger.

For five tense minutes, nothing happened.

Then the T72s began to advance toward the market square, the shriek of their tracks reverberating up the street as white smoke belched from their engines. Together with several dozen rebels, I watched from 100 yards away as the gun turrets swept first left, then right, scanning the side alleys for threats. For now, their 125mm cannon remained silent.

“Allahu Akbar!”

Chanting the rebel cry of “God is great”, one fighter shouldered his RPG launcher, aimed down the tube and fired. The rocket flew straight and true, catching the lead T72 just to the left of the driver’s porthole. A cheer went up, the rebels punching the air in celebration. Yet no-one had noticed the rocket had not exploded, but merely shattered into a hundred useless pieces of metal.

And that was when the tanks opened fire.

The first shells punched into nearby buildings, producing a shockwave of sound and a sea of grey dirt and dust that rolled up the road like a tsunami. Fist-size pieces of hot shrapnel sliced through the air, decapitating one fighter instantly.

His rifle clattered against a wall as his friends dragged his headless torso from the line of fire. The body was bloodless, cauterized. Another rebel caught a piece of shell in his leg, a deep femoral bleed that left a crimson trail across the road.

“RPGs! Get more RPGs up here!” shouted one game fighter, to little avail. With no real chain of command, the rebels use as much energy arguing amongst themselves as they do fighting the enemy. As panicky bickering ensued, a woman ushered her terrified children out of the door.

“Please don’t shoot from here,” she begged the rebels. “My mother is very old and cannot move - if you shoot at them here they will destroy our house.”

“We will use our bombs to stop them, I promise,” replied a fighter. But home-made bombs do little against a battle tank. As the T72s began shooting at the base of buildings to make them collapse Muktar Nassar, a young man in white robes, ran up with another RPG, one of the few with a functioning warhead.

Clearly terrified at being just 50 yards from a T72, he briefly got the perfect firing angle to hit the tank’s more vulnerable side armour, only to be forced to run for cover again as the tank behind his target fired again.

“No good, it’s no good” Muktar muttered as we retreated, showered again in dust. Up above, sniper rounds peppered the mosque minarets. The fighting was brutally one-sided. As a show of force it was absolute.

By 3pm the rebels knew it was over, retreating to cover to smoke cigarettes, leaving the tanks to roam and shell as they pleased. In the space of just a few hours, Saraqeb had been broken. Then it was everyone for themselves. Some families remained in their homes, hoping for the best, others threw belongings into cars and headed out of town.

The guerrillas, meanwhile, staged their own chaotic withdrawal, driving cars at 100mph down small country roads to villages beyond range of the shells, while an army helicopter circled overhead. If the tanks hadn’t killed the rebels, their driving may have finished the job.

“What could we do against that?” lamented Abdul Karali, a student whose family live in Saraqeb. “We’re not soldiers, we have no training and few weapons.”

Seven were killed in the fighting that day and 28 wounded. Next morning, Sunday, an attempted rebel counter-attack ended in retreat, the fighters stranding themselves between two tank positions, 500 metres of open ground and a footbridge in full view of government machine guns.

The uprising in Syria is turning into a hit-and-run guerilla war, with the rebels disrupting government forces any way they can. But without money, training or anti-tank weapons, they have little bite. Until the big city businessmen from Damascus and Aleppo commit to the fight, Syria’s revolution is a working man’s uprising of limited means.

Farmers and students in the countryside sell their belongings to raise the $2,000 required for an AK-47 smuggled from Iraq and to pay $4 for each round of ammunition. But bullets are as much use as a catapult against a T72.

“Until the big cities help us we will scrape along for ways to fight this revolution,” said Hussein al-Brahim, an activist from Saraqeb. “But Aleppo businessmen don’t want to get involved. They cannot be anti-Assad because he gave them everything.”

For those on the receiving end, the smoke and chaos that engulfed Saraqeb last weekend disguised the well-drilled military procedure that was under way. It has been honed during sieges of other rebel hotspots, from Homs and Deraa to Idlib city and other towns across the province. The tanks go in first, shelling rebel positions and driving them out. The next day, there is random shellfire to soften the target. Then, once every rebel - and foreign journalist - has left, the ground forces go in. This way, there are few witnesses to what happens next.

The accounts of atrocities committed when Syrian ground forces move are impossible to verify, but the numbers hurt and arrested are unquestionably high.

Using information stored on laptops, army intelligence officers detain all manner of people. Bad-mouthing the regime? Arrested. Seen at a protest? Arrested. Got an internet connection? Arrested. The list goes on.

“The shabiha (pro-government militia) came to my house and took my children,” said Fatoum Haj Housin, a resident of the town Sarmin, five miles north-west of Saraqeb, which had been attacked a few days earlier.

“They took all three of them. They were young men in the army but they defected in January. The militia shot them in the head and burned their bodies in front of me in our courtyard. In the name of God, bring me a Kalashnikov and I will kill Assad myself!”

There was still scorching and ash in front of her house - and much evidence elsewhere in Sarmin of destruction by ground forces. The field hospital had been torched, walls and houses sprayed with AK47 fire and the mosque smashed by three shells.

When the tanks leave the city centres and the ground forces come in, this is what happens - with nobody from the outside to see.

Yet for every person killed the rebels’ resolve seems to grow day by day.

“We can never go back now,” said Feras Mulheen, a student from Saraqeb who had just seen his house destroyed by the tanks. “There’s nothing to go back to. We either win or we die trying. There’s nothing in between.”

* John Cantlie is an independent photojournalist

Source: telegraph.co.uk

    • #Tanks
    • #Destruction
    • #Bashar al Assad
    • #Ceasefire
    • #Saraqeb
    • #Free Syrian Army
    • #FSA
    • #Idlib
    • #Troop carriers
    • #Smuggle
    • #Kofi Annan
    • #Shooting
    • #RPG
    • #Snipers
    • #Sniper
    • #Shelling
    • #Damascus
    • #Weapons
  • 1 year ago
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Smuggled into #Syria: the siege of Saraqeb

In this exclusive dispatch from Syria,

independent photojournalist John Cantlie

witnesses a terrifying assault on the small town

of Saraqeb.

As President Bashar al-Assad discussed a United Nations ceasefire plan for Syria last week, his tanks and soldiers continued to crush northern rebel strongholds.

After being smuggled into northern Syria by rebel activists, independent photojournalist John Cantlie captured the situation in Idlib province first hand.

In his own remarkable account of his time in the country, Cantlie documented the continuing protests against the Assad regime before finding himself in the thick of the bloody crackdown against them as government forces moved in on the Free Syrian Army.

Video!

Source: telegraph.co.uk

    • #Syria
    • #Saraqeb
    • #Bashar al-Assad
    • #U.N.
    • #Idlib
  • 1 year ago
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#Syria eyewitness dispatch: ‘I watched as Assad’s tanks rolled in to destroy a rebel town’

T72 main battle tanks advance into the market square district
Image 1 of 2
T72 main battle tanks advance into the market square district in Saraquib town centre  Photo: JOHN CANTLIE

By John Cantlie

6:00PM BST 31 Mar 2012

Comments75 Comments

The sound of the caterpillar tracks could be felt as much as heard, a deep rumble that sent a rattle through windows and a tremble of fear through the guts.

Then we saw them. Huge Soviet-made T72s, accompanied by troop carriers driving slowly into town, extra plates welded onto the sides to deflect rocket-propelled grenades. It was just after 9.30am, and the tanks were coming to Saraqeb.

“Light the tyres!”

The rebels of the Free Syrian Army in Saraqeb, a farming town of 30,000 in northern Syria, are better organised than many in the surrounding Idlib province. Squaring themselves away into formation around the central marketplace, they poured petrol on to truck tyres and lit them sending plumes of thick black smoke into the air, obscuring the sun and - hopefully - the tank gunners’ visibility.

I had been smuggled into Saraqeb last weekend by a local guerrilla unit, keen to show the world that despite playing along with international efforts to broker a ceasefire, President Bashar al-Assad was continuing to use all-out force to crush his opponents. While he agreed last week to a six-point peace plan brokered by the veteran diplomat, Kofi Annan, what I saw for myself suggests the Syrian leader intends anything but.Still the tanks came, driving into town one after another. The troop carriers stopped to take up holding positions, while the T72s turned in pairs to face towards the centre.


As Syrian army snipers deployed to Saraqeb’s high buildings to provide covering fire, the rebel fighters around me took up positions on street corners and pavements.

Their pick-up trucks screeched to a halt, bringing reinforcements, rocket-propelled grenades and improvised bombs built from gas bottles and steel pipes which are placed against kerbs and disguised with cardboard. Then came the click-clack of 200 Kalashnikovs being loaded, a few unaimed rounds loosed off in anger.

For five tense minutes, nothing happened.

Then the T72s began to advance toward the market square, the shriek of their tracks reverberating up the street as white smoke belched from their engines. Together with several dozen rebels, I watched from 100 yards away as the gun turrets swept first left, then right, scanning the side alleys for threats. For now, their 125mm cannon remained silent.

“Allahu Akbar!”

Chanting the rebel cry of “God is great”, one fighter shouldered his RPG launcher, aimed down the tube and fired. The rocket flew straight and true, catching the lead T72 just to the left of the driver’s porthole. A cheer went up, the rebels punching the air in celebration. Yet no-one had noticed the rocket had not exploded, but merely shattered into a hundred useless pieces of metal.

And that was when the tanks opened fire.

The first shells punched into nearby buildings, producing a shockwave of sound and a sea of grey dirt and dust that rolled up the road like a tsunami. Fist-size pieces of hot shrapnel sliced through the air, decapitating one fighter instantly.

His rifle clattered against a wall as his friends dragged his headless torso from the line of fire. The body was bloodless, cauterized. Another rebel caught a piece of shell in his leg, a deep femoral bleed that left a crimson trail across the road.

“RPGs! Get more RPGs up here!” shouted one game fighter, to little avail. With no real chain of command, the rebels use as much energy arguing amongst themselves as they do fighting the enemy. As panicky bickering ensued, a woman ushered her terrified children out of the door.

“Please don’t shoot from here,” she begged the rebels. “My mother is very old and cannot move - if you shoot at them here they will destroy our house.”

“We will use our bombs to stop them, I promise,” replied a fighter. But home-made bombs do little against a battle tank. As the T72s began shooting at the base of buildings to make them collapse Muktar Nassar, a young man in white robes, ran up with another RPG, one of the few with a functioning warhead.

Clearly terrified at being just 50 yards from a T72, he briefly got the perfect firing angle to hit the tank’s more vulnerable side armour, only to be forced to run for cover again as the tank behind his target fired again.

“No good, it’s no good” Muktar muttered as we retreated, showered again in dust. Up above, sniper rounds peppered the mosque minarets. The fighting was brutally one-sided. As a show of force it was absolute.

By 3pm the rebels knew it was over, retreating to cover to smoke cigarettes, leaving the tanks to roam and shell as they pleased. In the space of just a few hours, Saraqeb had been broken. Then it was everyone for themselves. Some families remained in their homes, hoping for the best, others threw belongings into cars and headed out of town.

The guerrillas, meanwhile, staged their own chaotic withdrawal, driving cars at 100mph down small country roads to villages beyond range of the shells, while an army helicopter circled overhead. If the tanks hadn’t killed the rebels, their driving may have finished the job.

“What could we do against that?” lamented Abdul Karali, a student whose family live in Saraqeb. “We’re not soldiers, we have no training and few weapons.”

Seven were killed in the fighting that day and 28 wounded. Next morning, Sunday, an attempted rebel counter-attack ended in retreat, the fighters stranding themselves between two tank positions, 500 metres of open ground and a footbridge in full view of government machine guns.

The uprising in Syria is turning into a hit-and-run guerilla war, with the rebels disrupting government forces any way they can. But without money, training or anti-tank weapons, they have little bite. Until the big city businessmen from Damascus and Aleppo commit to the fight, Syria’s revolution is a working man’s uprising of limited means.

Farmers and students in the countryside sell their belongings to raise the $2,000 required for an AK-47 smuggled from Iraq and to pay $4 for each round of ammunition. But bullets are as much use as a catapult against a T72.

“Until the big cities help us we will scrape along for ways to fight this revolution,” said Hussein al-Brahim, an activist from Saraqeb. “But Aleppo businessmen don’t want to get involved. They cannot be anti-Assad because he gave them everything.”

For those on the receiving end, the smoke and chaos that engulfed Saraqeb last weekend disguised the well-drilled military procedure that was under way. It has been honed during sieges of other rebel hotspots, from Homs and Deraa to Idlib city and other towns across the province. The tanks go in first, shelling rebel positions and driving them out. The next day, there is random shellfire to soften the target. Then, once every rebel - and foreign journalist - has left, the ground forces go in. This way, there are few witnesses to what happens next.

The accounts of atrocities committed when Syrian ground forces move are impossible to verify, but the numbers hurt and arrested are unquestionably high.

Using information stored on laptops, army intelligence officers detain all manner of people. Bad-mouthing the regime? Arrested. Seen at a protest? Arrested. Got an internet connection? Arrested. The list goes on.

“The shabiha (pro-government militia) came to my house and took my children,” said Fatoum Haj Housin, a resident of the town Sarmin, five miles north-west of Saraqeb, which had been attacked a few days earlier.

“They took all three of them. They were young men in the army but they defected in January. The militia shot them in the head and burned their bodies in front of me in our courtyard. In the name of God, bring me a Kalashnikov and I will kill Assad myself!”

There was still scorching and ash in front of her house - and much evidence elsewhere in Sarmin of destruction by ground forces. The field hospital had been torched, walls and houses sprayed with AK47 fire and the mosque smashed by three shells.

When the tanks leave the city centres and the ground forces come in, this is what happens - with nobody from the outside to see.

Yet for every person killed the rebels’ resolve seems to grow day by day.

“We can never go back now,” said Feras Mulheen, a student from Saraqeb who had just seen his house destroyed by the tanks. “There’s nothing to go back to. We either win or we die trying. There’s nothing in between.”

* John Cantlie is an independent photojournalist

Source: telegraph.co.uk

    • #Syria
    • #Witness
    • #Tanks
    • #Saraqeb
    • #FSA
    • #RPG
    • #Assault
    • #Security Forces
    • #Shabiha
    • #Arrests
    • #Uprising
  • 1 year ago
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UN chief warns of massive repercussions, #Syria

AMMAN, Jordan – UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon yesterday said that Syria’s crisis was extremely dangerous and had “massive repercussions” for the world, as more fighting erupted, with two Damascus suburbs coming under heavy tank bombardment.

“We do not know how events will unfold. But we do know that we all have a responsibility to work for a resolution of this profound and extremely dangerous crisis,” Ban said in a speech in the Indonesian capital Jakarta.

The crisis has potentially massive repercussions for the region and the world, he said.

On Wednesday, two large Damascus suburbs came under tank bombardment following renewed Free Syrian Army attacks on forces loyal to President Bashar Al Assad, opposition activists said.

(Photo: Rebels from Abu Sulaiman’s group of fighters detonate a pipe bomb to cut off access to their mountainous stronghold in the northern Syrian province of Idlib on Tuesday. Abu Sulaiman, who finances the weapons for the unit which carries his name, has assembled one of the multitude of armed groups fighting the regime.)

Artillery and anti-aircraft gun barrages hit the suburbs of Harasta and Irbin, retaken from rebels by Al Assad’s forces two months ago, and army helicopters were heard flying over the area on the eastern edge of the capital, the activists said.

Al Assad’s forces reasserted their control over Damascus suburbs in January after days of tank and artillery shelling that beat back rebels and reduced street protests against the 42-year rule of Al Assad and his father, the late President Hafez Al Assad.

The suburbs are a linked series of towns inhabited mostly by members of Syria’s Sunni Muslim majority, grown increasingly resentful at the domination of the Al Assads, who belong to the minority Alawite sect, an offshoot of Shiite Islam.

The Damascus assault and rebel fighters’ flight on Tuesday from the eastern city of Deir Al Zor marked the latest setbacks for the armed opposition, which also faced accusations of torture and brutality from a leading human rights body.

But as Al Assad made advances on the ground, he appeared to lose ground on the diplomatic front, with key ally Moscow adopting a new, sharper tone after months of publicly standing by his government.

“We believe the Syrian leadership reacted wrongly to the first appearance of peaceful protests and … is making very many mistakes,” Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov told Russian radio station Kommersant-FM.

“This, unfortunately, has in many ways led the conflict to reach such a severe stage.”

Future transition

Lavrov also spoke of a “future transition” period for Syria, but continued to reject calls from most Western and Arab states for Al Assad to resign, saying this was “unrealistic”.

It was not immediately clear if the change in tone would translate into a tangible difference in the way international powers, hitherto divided on Syria, might deal with the crisis.

“The change in the Russian position is one of tone, not of substance. Moscow still sees its support of Al Assad as part of a regional game, but it is losing the support of the Syrian people, which could backfire on it if the Syrian regime falls,” said Najati Tayyara, a prominent Syrian opposition figure.

United front

In a fresh effort to form a united international front, France has circulated a Western-drafted statement for the divided UN Security Council deploring the turmoil and backing peace efforts by UN-Arab League envoy Kofi Annan. Russia announced it would back the text on two conditions — that there was no ultimatum imposed on Al Assad and that Annan release full details of his peace plan.

Annan despatched a team of five experts to Damascus on Monday to discuss ways of implementing the peace drive, including a mechanism to let intern

Source: mar15.info

    • #Syria
    • #Assad
    • #Saraqeb
    • #Syrian Army
    • #Human Rights
    • #United Nations
    • #FSA
  • 1 year ago
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Activists: 40 killed this week in north #Syria town

BEIRUT (AP) – Syrian activists are urging international humanitarian organizations to urgently go to the northern Syrian town of Saraqeb, where they say security forces have killed more than 40 people in the past four days.

The Local Coordination Committees network says there are many unidentified corpses and injured people in the streets of Saraqeb.

They say the Syrian army launched a massive military assault on the opposition town on Sunday, leaving a trail of death and destruction.

The Committees and another activist group, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, said Wednesday that hundreds of homes and shops have been pillaged and burned. Video footage from Saraqeb appeared to back those claims.

Activist Fadi al-Yassin in the northern province of Idlib says the army now completely controls of the town.

Source: USA Today

    • #Syria
    • #Assad
    • #Saraqeb
    • #Syrian Army
    • #Human Rights
  • 1 year ago
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Fierce clashes in Damascus, army attacks towns #Syria

24 March 2012

BEIRUT — Assaults on several towns on Saturday resulted in at least 14 fatalities after fierce clashes between the Syrian army and deserters in the Damascus region overnight, activists and monitors said.

In the northwest province of Idlib, ‘26 tanks entered Saraqeb and took up position to split the town in two,’ activist Nureddin Al Abdo told AFP from the town.

Explosions were heard and arrests were made as residents sheltered inside their homes, he said, adding that there was a considerable Free Syrian Army (FSA) presence in the town.

Abdo said the regime forces had already launched several search and arrest forays into Saraqeb.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said one man was shot dead by security forces in the town on Saturday and that a woman was also killed elsewhere in the province.

Security forces also shot dead a civilian at Khorbet Ghazaleh in southern Daraa province, the Britain-based Observatory said.

It was in Daraa that the revolt against the regime of President Bashar Al Assad first broke out in mid-March last year. Since then, at least 9,100 people have been killed, according to estimates by monitors.

The regime blames the violence on ‘armed terrorist groups.’

The Observatory also reported that the central protest hub of Homs and the nearby town of Qusayr have been under mortar fire from the army since early on Saturday.

It said four civilians were killed in Homs and three in Qusayr.

In the central province of Hama, the town of Qalaat Al Madiq which the military has been trying to take for two weeks also came under mortar bombardment and heavy machinegun fire, the NGO said.

The Observatory said three soldiers were killed in an ambush in northeastern Hassaka province, while another was killed in Daraa.

Meanwhile, ‘very violent’ clashes broke out in the Damascus area overnight, activist Mohammed Al Shami told AFP.

He reported that explosions and small arms fire could be heard across a large part of Damascus province and in districts of the city itself, as anti-regime protests were staged in Douma and Artuz close to the capital.

The Observatory on Saturday reported snipers and heavy armour in Douma.

A huge night-time demonstration also took place in the Kfar Sousa district of Damascus, where eight people were wounded on Friday when security forces opened fire to disperse protesters, videos posted on YouTube showed.

Videos posted by activists also featured overnight protests in several districts of Syria’s second city Aleppo.

Shami said the security services and Shabiha regime militiamen also launched search and arrest operations in the Damascus district of Al Asalli.

  


Source: khaleejtimes.com

    • #Saraqeb
    • #Syrian Observatory for Human Rights
    • #Free Syrian Army
    • #FSA
    • #Explosions
    • #Defections
    • #Defectors
    • #Activists
    • #Martyrs
    • #Bashar al Assad
    • #Daraa
    • #Monitors
    • #Qusayr
    • #Khirbet Ghazaleh
    • #Homs
    • #Killing
    • #Hasaka
    • #Kafr Souseh
    • #Artuz
    • #Douma
    • #Aleppo
    • #Security forces
    • #Demo
    • #Arrest
    • #Al Asaly
    • #Shabiha
  • 1 year ago
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